For instance, on August, 15 Patton wrote in his diary: "Leclerc came in very much excited. He said, among other things, that if he were not allowed to advance on Paris, he would resign. I told him in my best French that he was a baby and said I had left him in the most dangerous place on the front. We parted friends" I want you to remember that no bastard ever won a war by dying for his country. He won it by making the other poor, dumb bastard die for his country.
Spoken by George C.
Scott in the film Patton. Variants: No man ever won a war by dying for his country. Wars were won by making the other poor bastard die for his. You don't win a war by dying for your country. You win a war by making the other poor dumb bastard die for his. War is not meant to be you dying for your country-it is by making the other bastard die for his.
Rommel, you magnificent bastard! I read your book! Scott in the film Patton , portraying his defeat of what he thought were forces under the command of Erwin Rommel ; however, the book portrayed in that film is purely fictional — Rommel never finished the book he was writing on tank warfare, but did write a book on his experiences in WW I. It was widely read, regarded a classic of modern military tactics, and published in abbreviated form for study by US army officers. Wonder weapons Killing without heroics, nothing is glorified No heroes, no cowards, no troops, no generals?
Only those who are left alive After Germany's surrender in , he was made military governor of the U. Occupied Zone. Eisenhower then returned home to Abilene and received a hero's welcome. A few months later, he was appointed U. In , he was elected president of Columbia University, a position he held until December of , when he decided to leave Columbia to accept an appointment as first Supreme Allied Commander of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. In Eisenhower retired from active service and returned to Abilene to announce his candidacy for the Republican Party nomination.
On November 4, , after winning the election by a landslide, Eisenhower was elected the United States' 34th president. In foreign policy, Eisenhower made reducing Cold War tensions through military negotiation a main focus of his administration.
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In he orchestrated an armistice that brought peace to South Korea's border. The United States and Russia had both recently developed atomic bombs, and the speech promoted applying atomic energy to peaceful uses, rather than using it for weaponry and warfare. In , Eisenhower met with Russian, British and French leaders at Geneva to further quell the threat of atomic war. In Eisenhower was a reelected to a second term, winning by an even wider margin than in his first election, despite the fact that he had just recently recovered from a heart attack.
Over the course of his second term, Eisenhower continued to promote his Atoms for Peace program. In his second term, he also grappled with crises in Lebanon and the Suez. Accomplishments during his two terms include creating the U. Information Agency, and establishing Alaska and Hawaii as states. Eisenhower also supported the creation of the Interstate Highway System during his time in office. Poised to leave office in January of , Eisenhower gave a televised farewell address in which he warned the nation against the dangers of the Cold War "military-industrial complex.
Following his presidency, Eisenhower retired to a farmhouse in Gettysburg with his wife, Mamie. Although he had resigned his commission as a general when he became president, when he left office his successor, President Kennedy, reactivated his commission. He also kept an office at Gettysburg College for the remainder of his life, where he held meetings and wrote his memoirs. In addition to a state funeral in the nation's capital, a military funeral was held in Eisenhower's beloved hometown of Abilene, Kansas.
We strive for accuracy and fairness. If you see something that doesn't look right, contact us! Sign up for the Biography newsletter to receive stories about the people who shaped our world and the stories that shaped their lives. He stressed the importance of coalition warfare, based on his experience at AEF's headquarters, emphasizing what he called "the art of persuasion. Or perhaps it was not so serendipitous—the duty was arranged by Conner.
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The Commission was tasked to compile and organize the record of the Army's participation in World War I. Such a posting might seem a diversion for an ambitious young officer but it allowed Eisenhower to learn and reflect upon the geography of Europe, to develop an understanding of the logistical challenges of large-scale continental warfare, and to appreciate the challenges of coordinating Allied armies.
Those reflections proved invaluable to Eisenhower as he developed a sense of the problems of high-level command, often overlooked by other officers of his generation who fought in the trenches.
Ike's Son Remembers George S. Patton Jr. | AMERICAN HERITAGE
Eisenhower's rapid rise through the officer ranks in the late s and early '40s, which culminated in his selection to command the invasions of North Africa and Western Europe, is well documented. President Franklin Roosevelt and Army Chief of Staff Marshall selected him because of his demonstrated skills as a planner and organizer. Through his work under Marshall as a strategic planner he also understood the larger geopolitical picture. He demonstrated the inter-personal skills to deal with the British and other national leaders, as well as enough authority and charm to contend with the clashing egos of the senior American commanders most of whom hated their British counterparts.
He was not selected in expectation of his potential greatness as a battlefield commander because that was not what was required. What Roosevelt and Marshall got, however, was someone who turned out to be far from passive in implementing Washington's larger political vision for the conduct of the war and its aftermath.
Eisenhower received his first hard lesson in the practical difficulties of implementing American policy during the North African campaign, when he faced ticklish questions concerning the present and future of the French Empire. FDR thought that France had forfeited its great-power status by its weak, fractious politics during the inter-war period and its dismal military performance in The president entertained ideas of breaking up France and its empire after the war.
FDR was relatively well disposed to Vichy France, the rump state left unoccupied by the Germans after the invasion, in part because it seemed to smooth the way towards the marginalization of France. When the allies invaded North Africa in November , they were initially resisted by the imperial French forces under the authority of the Vichy government.
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Under the agreement, the French forces ceased fighting and granted the Allies access to military facilities and infrastructure. In return, the Allies effectively left the Vichy regime intact—including its anti-Semitic regulations and overtly fascist officials. Eisenhower thought it made perfect sense to maintain the existing political structure so the Allies could get on with fighting the war, without having to deal with the headache of administering local affairs in the rear areas. Eisenhower was persuaded to do to so in part because the Free French leader, Charles de Gaulle, was personally difficult to deal with, but mainly because de Gaulle demanded that France be restored to the great-power table, which ran against the grain of American policy.
A political firestorm ensued. Eisenhower had followed what he thought to be administration policy, and his sense of military necessity, only to find that he was criticized widely in the American and British press for cynically cutting deals with collaborationists and for losing the moral high ground against the Nazis. FDR publically ran the other way, issuing a statement that "no one in our Army has any authority to discuss the future government of France or the French Empire. The Americans were let off the hook somewhat when Darlan was assassinated under murky circumstances , but FDR was still strongly opposed to dealing with the Free French leader or to recognizing de Gaulle as the provisional political leader of France.
Eisenhower, however, soon came to understand that de Gaulle was the most powerful figure of French resistance to Germany and the man best able to control things in North Africa. In the future, the Western Allies would need the French Resistance to aid them in their forthcoming landings on the continent and particularly to relieve Eisenhower of the need to govern a liberated France. In his memoirs, de Gaulle described how Eisenhower subtly worked thereafter around his government's policy, without directly challenging Washington: "If occasionally he went so far as to support the pretexts which tended to keep us in obscurity, I can affirm that he did so without conviction.
I even saw him submit to my intervention in his own strategy whenever national interest led me to do so. The issue of the governance of France emerged acutely after the Allied breakout from the Normandy beachheads in the summer of Eisenhower paid lip service to the policy that Roosevelt insisted upon but with the tacit sympathy of the War Department another lesson in politics he treated de Gaulle effectively as France's legitimate head of state.
By backing de Gaulle, he minimized the possibility of a civil war in France. Eisenhower originally planned to bypass Paris in pursuit of the German Army but changed his mind when de Gaulle insisted, on political grounds, that the city should be taken quickly and exclusively by French troops.
De Gaulle warned that the alternative was a repeat of the Paris Commune of —and, in de Gaulle's mind, it preempted the possibility that the Roosevelt administration might seek to undercut him by negotiating an arrangement with Vichy authorities to restore the Third Republic. Eisenhower also had information that the German commander in Paris was prepared to ignore Hitler's orders to destroy the city, but that the window to prevent such a catastrophe was closing. In conventional military terms, according to the American way of war, Eisenhower was ignoring the lesson taught by Grant, that the enemy's army, not his cities, should be the object of the campaign.
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Eisenhower claimed to his superiors that "[i]f the enemy tries to hold Paris with any real strength he would be a constant menace to our flank. If he largely evacuates the place, it falls into our hands whether we like it or not. And Eisenhower could have occupied the city instead with American forces first, had he pushed the point.
https://growsandgutis.tk When he visited the city a few days later, Eisenhower paid a formal call on de Gaulle. That was of course what he wanted and what Roosevelt had never given him," Eisenhower explained years later. As Smith concludes:. On his own authority, without seeking the approval of the Combined Chiefs of Staff, the British war cabinet, or Washington, he had installed a new government in France, saved Paris from destruction, and received the adulation of the French people.
Whereas de Gaulle made his way by forcing his iron will on others, Ike moved by subtlety and indirection. His amiable personality and avuncular enthusiasm concealed a calculating political instinct that had been honed to perfection. Politics and policy also informed Eisenhower's decision to continue the western campaign against Germany on a broad rather than a narrow front. Eisenhower rejected one alternative, proposed by Field Marshall Bernard Montgomery and the British, of a concentrated thrust in the north, towards the Ruhr, Germany's industrial heartland; and also a second alternative, proposed by General Omar Bradley, of an American-led thrust farther south, towards the Saar and Frankfurt.
Eisenhower was following what he regarded as the lessons of the First World War and the Civil War, that of the advantage of putting continuous pressure on the enemy at all available locations. But the choice also reflected Eisenhower's proclivity to compromise, to avoid choosing the British over the Americans, or vice versa. It may also have reflected a personal desire to be certain that Eisenhower himself, not one of his subordinates, would receive full credit for the victory.
Eisenhower's choice of strategy was questionable on strictly military terms.
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