Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)


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This talk is a personal analysis and does not represent the views of the UK government. Jan Nimmo 5 mins. Search icon. Close menu icon. Menu icon bar 1 Menu icon bar 2 Menu icon bar 3. Cross-School Research Groups. Rossi Date and location : Thursday 21 st February at 3. Bio: Federico M.

Film Screening: 26 April, Ayotzinapa Solidarity. Thursday 26th April, in Hetherington Building, room We hope you can join us in this act of solidarity with fellow students. Afterwards, we will of course be heading to the pub for a well-needed break from exam prep and international conflicts Since then the families of the victims have been demanding justice for the students. To date no one has been prosecuted and the whereabouts of the 43 students are still unknown. Thursday April 26th marks the 43th month without the 43 missing students.

Because of the symbolism of the date several solidarity actions are expected to happen in Mexico and abroad. As part of this international solidarity action the Glasgow University Solidarity will screen the documentary "Watch them die" by Temoris Grecko, which narrates how the Mexican army was involved on the events of September the 26th.

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A small discussion will be followed after the screening of the film. Seminar: Regional cooperation for ecological sustainability, April Seminar: Rivers with rights? Wednesday 6th February Rivers with rights? Film Screening: Monday 29th January Argentine Film Festival: 30th October - 20th November. Screenings will take place in the Lecture Theatre in Kelvin Hall at 6pm. Workshop - Hidden water in Latin America - 28 March. Seminar joint with Screen Seminars : Thurs 16 March Seminar begins at 5.

To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Sofia Donoso. While the recent height in social mobilization in Latin America and elsewhere has been the focus of a burgeoning literature, social movements in Chile have received much less academic attention. The book provides a comprehensive and original analysis of five key social movements: the Student Movement, the Mapuche Movement, the Trade Union Movement, the Feminist Movement, and the Environmental Movement.

It also goes beyond the analysis of specific cases, including two comparative chapters centered on the similarities and differences between the Chilean and other Latin American cases. The book explains the processes that led to the emergence of the movements under study, and their political consequences or lack thereof since the reinstatement of democracy in In doing so, the chapters highlight the changing interactions among movements, political parties, and state institutions. The close but contentious nature that characterizes these relationships in Chile and other Latin American countries, challenges social movement scholars to further theorize on the reciprocal influence of social and political actors, and their individual and joint capacities to advance policy reforms.

The examined case studies also show the links between processes at the micro-level the development of organizational resources and grievance interpretation , and their subsequent consequences at the macro- level agenda-setting and policy effects.

Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America - Eduardo Silva - Google книги

This development has undoubtedly acquired greater relevance and analytical urgency given the wide range of protests that have taken place around the world since The edited volume brings together original contributions by established academics in the field of Latin American Studies as well as analyses based on unpublished Ph. Through this joint effort, it provides a novel and analytically and empirically rich overview of the possibilities and constraints faced by civil society actors when mobilizing for long-dormant policy reforms in a country that has been much 1 Email: marisavonbulow gmail.

Latin America’s Classical Left

Shedding light on current debates on the organization, trajectories, and political consequences of social movements in the contemporary world, the book will be of interest to a wide range of actors, going beyond both the academic world and a Chilean audience. At the same time, the region has witnessed the emergence of a wide array of social movements that have voiced cumulative grievances.

These stem both from the unfulfilled promises of democratic rule, and the shortcomings of the neoliberal model.

New global and regional trends: Political and economic implications for Latin America

Led by unemployed workers, indigenous peoples, neighbourhood associations, and students, amongst others, these protests have occurred in parallel with the formation of new social movement organizations, the reframing of social injustices and the expansion of repertoires of contention that now include online activism as well as traditional offline tactics. In sum, the emergence of social movements in Latin America in recent times reflects the fact that, while neoliberal reforms considerably weakened class-based actors such as organized labor, new actors and coalitions of actors have mounted significant challenges to the ruling governments and raised new demands into the political agenda.


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The academic literature has struggled to understand the meaning of these changes to collective action and to democracy. Chilean social movements have received less scholarly attention. In fact, when the country is mentioned in the literature it is first and foremost invoked to highlight the demobilized character of its civil society. Different arguments have been set forth to support this claim. Another recurrent argument in the literature is that the phenomenon of depoliticization in Chile is rooted in the memories of the democratic breakdown of and the historical legacies of seventeen years of repressive military rule.

Consequently, Chile has been lauded in both academic accounts and wider international circles for achieving not only political and economic stability, but also significant improvements in most development indicators. It has therefore often been pronounced a success story in terms of governance and social progress. In recent years, however, the heady mood of optimism has been put into question by massive demonstrations organized by a wide array of social actors who have taken to the streets, calling for structural reforms in various policy areas.

Other Titles by Eduardo Silva

Clearly, social movements do not emerge in isolation but tend rather to be concentrated in particular political and historical periods. The nation-wide protests staged by diverse social actors across the country have initiated a protest wave in Chile which, until this day, has not ebbed. Against this background, Post-transition social movements in Chile investigates the organizational development, trajectories, and political consequences of the most visible movements since the reinstatement of democracy in In doing so, it aims to fill an important research gap in the study of collective action in post-transition Chile, and complements the emerging literature on contentious politics in Latin America.

The book will also contribute to the global debate on the role and political consequences of social movements in democratic contexts and democratization. With the aim of contributing to current debates on democracy and social movements, the book will combine academic rigour with a language accessible to this broader public. As a result, the s were dominated by a region-wide debt crisis.

However, most agree that it resulted in improved fiscal responsibility and reduced poverty by the mids. But economic growth, as promised by the incumbent governments, remained relatively weak Kirby, , p. However, the main consequences of the Washington Consensus for such governments were in other areas, which shall be explored in the following section.

Neoliberalism led to very slightly improved employment levels [2] ; however its effect on employment was as whole negative, due to its consequences for the nature of available jobs. Much of the employment gains were seen in the service sector, which entailed mostly informal, low paying work, such as cleaning, that was deeply insecure.

Increased numbers were employed on short-term contracts if at all, which could be ended with ease, and entailed no social security benefits. The conglomeration of agriculture led to the marginalisation of small farmers, whilst many small and medium sized family firms collapsed due to corporate competition.

As a consequence of these developments, the quality of employment worsened, whilst the real industrial wage and the minimum wage both fell from their levels. Compounding these difficulties was the declining government expenditure which had accompanied the Washington Consensus.

This decline was particularly strong in the area of social spending, which typically provides cushioning in the form of welfare payments that would soften the blow of devastating economic alterations Alesina, et al, ; Stokes, And additional economic strain was precisely what happened. Combined, the effect of a demoralised workforce, and nonexistent state was enough to produce discontent with government. Due to this crisis, poverty shot up instantly, as did unemployment and inequality [4] , whilst economic growth declined by 0.

However, whilst these figures do paint a grim picture, the massive vulnerability that neoliberalism produced led to the downturn having an even more devastating effect than such statistics can illustrate. This vulnerability was enhanced by the lack of government support, which due to further spending cuts, increased yet further Singh, , p.

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Stokes argues that the contraction produced a welfare gap which led voters to turn specifically to the left as an insurer of service. However from the s onwards Latin American states were too fiscally constrained for there to be any social spending difference between leftwing and rightwing governments Huber, et al, This, combined with the lack of a mass ideological turn towards the left, would suggest that the effect of government cuts was simply voters turning away from their mostly rightwing governments and towards the opposition, who happened to be on the left Seligson, It could be posited that the effect of government cuts alone produced the swing away from incumbents.

However, this suggestion would be misleading—strong provision of social services would not be required in an economically healthy state. Blame was directed toward these governments for such economic problems and was enhanced by the fact that they had been in office for so many years. Murillo et al. Debs and Helmke find no empirical support for this proposition.

Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics: Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America

From to , fourteen incumbent parties lost in eighteen Latin American states. An incredible number of these leftwing parties were re-elected [8] due to a commodities boom which took place from onwards, just as many of these parties began governing. This boom resulted in soaring employment and economic growth, which enabled the extension of once curtailed government services. A number of other theories have been posited to explain the lefts success. An alternative suggestion is that low economic growth, itself partially caused by inequality, was the reason for the shift Birdsall, ; Rodrik, ; Weisbrot, Cleary argues that the leftwing surge is explained by the ability of labour based movements to launch political challenges [9].

Others state that the shift represented disappointment with democracy Roberts K. It has been argued that voters were initially reluctant to vote for a leftwing candidate due to fear of a coup, which had typically been instigated by rightwing leaders. However, Stokes found no empirical evidence for this argument. This argument posits that such dislike functions independently of economic circumstances. However, the two are inextricably linked. Economic conditions, partially created by neoliberalism, led to widespread discontent which in turn resulted in a mass overthrow of incumbents, who were replaced with their leftwing counterparts.

However, as this essay has illustrated, the emphasis should be on the wider picture: it is not one factor that caused the leftwing turn, but rather a combination of many that produced an unprecedented level of discontent with incumbent governments. With the election of several rightwing leaders, it has been suggested that the tide may be turning away from the left and towards the right once again Guerrero, ; Thomson, It is unlikely though, that such a range of factors will simultaneously converge to produce a similar rightwing wave. As Latin American states age, political ties deepen, and paths diverge, the leftwing turn should be remembered as a seminal but temporal moment in the history of the region.

Alesina, A. Why is Fiscal Often Procyclical? Journal of the European Economic Association, Vol. Arce, M. World Politics, Vol. Arditi, B. Latin American Research Review, Vol.

get link Baker, A. Baqir, R. Social Sector Spending in a Panel of Countries.

Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics) Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)
Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics) Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)
Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics) Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)
Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics) Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)
Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics) Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)
Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics) Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics)

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